Pakistan and Afghanistan’s relations have remained turbulent throughout various periods of history. The two countries share a long border stretching hundreds of kilometers, known as the Durand Line, which came under attack from the Afghan side during the night between October 11 and 12, 2025. This became the key point that compelled Pakistan to exercise its legal right of defense, resulting in the closure of borders and the suspension of trade with Afghanistan.
Since the discussion pertains to the border, the Pak-Afghan border, established in 1893 and recently fortified through fencing along a 2,600-kilometer boundary line, has in fact become part of the sovereignty of Pakistan. Despite this, the Taliban government continues its propaganda that this border holds no validity, whereas historical documents prove that countries including Britain and the United States have recognized it. This point holds significance because the attacks and terrorism from the Afghan side were carried out across this very Durand Line, which is an open violation of international laws.
In February 2020, the Doha Agreement was signed between the United States and the Taliban, which was ratified by the United Nations Security Council on March 9, 2020, through Resolution No. 2513. In this agreement, the Taliban pledged not to allow Afghan soil to be used for terrorism. However, this commitment has not been upheld so far, and the Taliban government’s sheltering of various terrorist groups, including the TTP, has caused a massive rise in terrorism within Pakistan.
Out of Afghanistan’s total population of 44 million, 42% are Pashtuns, 27% Tajiks, 9% Hazaras, 9% Turkmen, and 2% Baloch. The Taliban government, which currently holds interim power in Afghanistan, took control of the country in 2021 through warfare. However, no unelected government can be considered a popular or inclusive government, and it directly contradicts internationally recognized principles of democracy. The Doha Agreement had also pledged the establishment of an Afghan representative government.
In recent days, the Afghan government has also started fueling provincial prejudice within Pakistan while weaponizing regional factors to promote terrorism—something that benefits no one. Nevertheless, Pakistan, as a neighboring and co-religious state, wishes to maintain relations with Afghanistan and is not in favor of any kind of conflict. But when the cross-border attacks began on the night between October 11 and 12, 2025, resulting in the martyrdom of our civilians and soldiers—and earlier, cross-border terrorism had already made such martyrdoms a daily occurrence—the national leadership had no choice left but to respond.
By responding to Afghan attacks, Pakistan exercised its legal right. Pakistan acted in accordance with Article 1, Article 2 (Clause 4), and Article 51 of the UN Charter in response to Afghan aggression. Pakistan did not evade the path of dialogue; rather, until the very end, it sought to resolve mutual disputes between the two brotherly nations through diplomacy—and such efforts should continue unhindered.
The people of Pakistan consider ordinary Afghan citizens as their brothers because of being neighbors and co-religionists, and they always have. Even at the time of Pakistan’s creation, Afghanistan opposed us, attacked Bajaur and Terrah in the 1960s, and did not express solidarity during the 1971 Dhaka fall. Historically, under King Zahir Shah’s leadership, Afghanistan, entangled in the Pashtunistan dispute with Pakistan, had also kept border relations tense.
The Afghan government not only avoided supporting Pakistan but also granted asylum to Bengali refugees and gave diplomatic backing to Bangladesh’s independence movement, recognizing Bangladesh as an independent state in 1972—contrary to Pakistan’s stance. Despite all this opposition, Pakistan hosted Afghan refugees for four decades. Another major difference between the two nations’ positions is that Pakistan considers Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) a terrorist group, whereas the Taliban do not regard them as terrorists, even though the United States and the UN Security Council have also designated them as such.
From 2021 to 2025, terrorism and casualties in Pakistan have increased significantly, linked to the rise of the Taliban government in Afghanistan. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2025, Pakistan ranks second among countries most affected by terrorism, with a 45% rise in fatalities in 2024 compared to the previous year. Reports from the South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) indicate that total fatalities, which were around 639 in 2021, rose to 1,748 by 2023, which has now reached the level of 3,000—a rise attributed to TTP activities and terrorism originating from Afghan soil, though the Afghan Taliban deny this and lament it as a domestic issue of Pakistan.
Regarding the TTP, a report published in July 2024 stated that under the Taliban regime’s supervision, the TTP has become the largest terrorist group operating, with 6,000 to 6,500 fighters, which seems to have increased ever since, and has increased terrorist attacks against Pakistan.
The Afghan government must acknowledge the presence of terrorist groups as a reality and, if it needs Pakistan’s help to control them, should openly request it. However, the Taliban government is not even willing to recognize terrorism as terrorism. Apart from the U.S. and the United Nations, Russia and China have also pointed out the existence of terrorism in Afghanistan, but the Afghan government declines to admit it. Foreign Office Spokesperson Shafqat Ali Khan stated that Pakistan and Afghanistan are engaged in constructive talks to find a peaceful resolution to the issue.
Addressing the weekly briefing in Islamabad on October 17, the Foreign Office spokesperson said Pakistan had repeatedly informed Afghanistan about the presence of the Khawarij (terrorist) elements there, expressed deep concern over the Taliban’s provocative attacks on the border between October 11 and 15, and effectively repelled Taliban assaults under its right to self-defense.
He said Taliban forces and their terrorist hideouts suffered heavy damage, and the counterattack targeted only terrorist elements, not civilians. Following the operation, a 48-hour ceasefire was implemented from 6 p.m. on October 15 at the Taliban’s request. The spokesperson also emphasized that the Afghan government cannot absolve itself of the responsibility to prevent its soil from being used for terrorism. The responsibility for ensuring peace and stability also lies with Afghanistan.
Now, the latest information suggests that the 48-hour truce has further been extended, giving a ray of hope to the people living on both sides of the Durand Line.
It is necessary to restore peaceful relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan, but that will only be possible when the interim government of our neighboring country abandons propaganda against Pakistan and is ready for realistic dialogue, and when internal and external terrorist attacks on Pakistan cease.
The grave concern is that Indian intelligence agencies are once again being given the opportunity to dig their claws into Afghanistan, indicating that this is a deliberate move under which Pakistani territory, as in the past, is being subjected to destabilization. Following the “Marka-e-Haq” (Battle of Truth), and given Pakistan’s growing diplomatic standing, the Foreign Office must leverage this position to press for coordinated multilateral pressure on Afghanistan—with the cooperation of the United States, Gulf, and SCO countries—so that no misunderstanding or bitterness may arise among Afghan brothers, the interim Afghan government may not strengthen regional prejudice, and it may be compelled to control terrorist groups.
